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Justin Vaïsse, Histoire du néoconservatisme aux Etats-Unis - Site Web compagnon

Chapitre 3 : “Le premier âge du néoconservatisme”
(pages 61 à 92)

→ Continuer vers le Chapitre 4 - La Coalition for a Democratic Majority et le deuxième âge du néoconservatisme
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Page 62 Note 7 (p. 293) The Public Interest: sommaire et premier éditorial

Page 63 Note 7 (p. 293) Citation de Daniel Bell et d'Irving Kristol dans le premier numéro du Public Interest: éviter l'idéologie
” 'Knowing what one is talking about' is a deceptively simple phrase that is pregnant with larger implications. We do not wish to evade these implications, or pretend to be blind to them. Thus, we must admit–or, if you wish, assert–that such an emphasis is not easily reconcilable with a prior commitment to an ideology, whether it be liberal, conservative, or radical. For it is the nature of ideology to preconceive reality; and it is exactly such preconceptions that are the worst hindrances to knowing-what-one-is- talking-about. […] We shall doubtless publish ideological articles, if they seem particularly challenging and perceptive. But, we hope, not many; and not often. There is a danger in this, we must allow. The ideological essay, as a literary form, tends to be more 'interesting'–it always seems to go deeper, point further, aspire higher. Its bland disregard of opposing fact, its very pretentiousness, sometimes even its very smug self-assurance, can give it a readability and literary attractiveness that a more matter-of-fact and more truthful essay does not often instantly achieve. While we shall certainly try to make The Public Interest as lively, as readable, and as controversial as possible, we nevertheless are determined to make room for the occasional 'dull' article that merely reports the truth about a matter under public discussion.”

Page 64 Note 10 (p. 293) Citation d'Irving Kristol sur le potentiel de l'Etat-providence
“We certainly thought there was a role for government in moving people out of poverty – a much larger role than conservatives thought appropriate. But we did not believe that political activism (a.k.a. 'the class struggle') could deliver people from poverty.”

Pages 64-65 Note 11 (p. 293) Citation de Nathan Glazer sur l'évolution du Public Interest
“What astonishes me in glancing over those early issues was how soon the simple notion that science and research could guide us in domestic social policy became complicated, how rapidly this theme was reduced to a much smaller place than originally expected, how early the themes that were shortly to be dubbed 'neoconservative' emerged. Managing social problems was harder than we thought; people and society were more complicated than we thought. […] We began to realize that our successes in shaping a better and more harmonious society, if there were to be any, were more dependant on a fund of traditional orientations, 'values,' or, if you will, 'virtue,” than any social science or 'social engineering' approach.”

Page 66 Note 20 (p. 294) Citation de Pat Moynihan sur l'Etat-providence qui choisit une épouse pour chaque homme
“The modern welfare state was getting into activities no one understood very well. It had not reached the point of picking every man a wife, but it was getting close enough to other such imponderables to find itself increasingly held to account for failure in areas where no government could reasonably promise success.”

Page 68 Note 26 (p. 294) Citation de Pat Moynihan au Willard Hotel
“1. Liberals must see more clearly that their essential interest is in the stability of the social order; and given the present threats to that stability, they must seek out and make much more effective alliances with political conservatives who share their interest and recognize that unyielding rigidity is just as great a threat to continuity of the social order as an anarchic desire for change. […] 2. Liberals must divest themselves of the notion that the nation—and especially the cities of the nation—can be run from agencies in Washington. […] 3. Liberals must somehow overcome the curious condescension that takes the form of defending and explaining away everything, however outrageous, which Negroes, individually or collectively, might do.”

Page 70 Note 30 (p.294) Bibliographie complémentaire sur la communauté juive américaine
Voir notamment KASPI, André, Les Juifs américains, Paris, Plon, 322 p.; OUZAN, Françoise, Histoire des Américains juifs : De la marge à l'influence, Paris, André Versailles éditeur, 2008, 261 p. Voir aussi KLINGHOFFER, Judith Apter, Vietnam, Jews and the Middle East: Unintended Consequences, Macmillan Press ; NY, St. Martin's Press, 1999, 232 p. ; PERETZ, Pauline, Le combat pour les Juifs soviétiques : Washington-Moscou-Jérusalem 1953-1989, Paris, Armand Colin, 2006, 383 p. ; SHAIN, Yossi, Marketing the American Creed Abroad. Diasporas in the United States and their Homelands, Cambridge (UK), Cambridge University Press, 1999, 294 p. ; COPPOLANI, Antoine, “The Jewish Radical: Étudiants américains contestataires face aux guerres du Vietnam et du Kippour”, Histoire et Défense, n°35, I/1997, p. 79-95.

Page 70 Note 31 (p. 293) Citation de Nathan Glazer sur le néoconservatisme des origines
“Foreign policy was no part of early neoconservatism”

Page 72 Note 37 (p. 294) Citation de Judith Klinghoffer: remarque faite par LBJ à Abba Eban
“The president told Eban that 'a bunch of rabbis' told him 'to put the whole American fleet into the Gulf of Aqaba' but objected to his sending 'a [expletive deleted] screwdriver to Vietnam.' ”

Page 73 Note 43 (p. 295) Pétition en faveur d’Israël dans le New York Times en juin 1967
Pétition, parue dans le New York Times du 7 juin 1967, publiée à l'initiative d'un groupe appelé Americans for Democracy in the Middle East, dont le directeur est Charles Silberman.

Page 73 Note 44 (p. 295) Pétition en faveur d’Israël dans le New York Times en juin 1967
Pétition parue quelques jours plus tôt, dans l'édition du 4 juin, également publiée à l'initiative de Americans for Democracy in the Middle East.

Page 75 Note 47 (p. 295) Citation d'Irving Kristol sur l'influence intellectuelle des Juifs
“Jewish influence has never been primarily a matter of votes or money. Jews are important out of all relation to their population or wealth because they have such extraordinary talents in the intellectual and cultural spheres. It may be naive to think that Jews can offer political conservatism, both in the US and Israel and elsewhere, an intellectual vigor and cultural buoyancy it has so sadly lacked until now. It may be naive to think so – but it is now possible to think that, whereas only yesterday it was unimaginable.”

Page 80 Note 64 (p. 295) Citation de Norman Podhoretz: “Est-ce bon pour les Juifs?”
“That is to say, I think that Jews must once again begin to look at proposals and policies from the point of view of the Jewish interest, and must once again begin to ask what the consequences, if any, of any proposal or policy are likely to be so far as the Jewish position is concerned.”

Page 81 Note 66 (p. 295) Citation de Norman Podhoretz sur les quotas
“As a liberal I believed in the traditional principle of treating individuals as individuals and not as members of a group ; as a Jew, I feared that a quota system designed to overcome discrimination against blacks would almost certainly result in discrimination against Jews – and I could not bring myself to believe that the only way to achieve social justice in the United States was to discriminate against my own children ; and as an intellectual, I worried about the lowering and erosion of standards entailed by any system of reverse discrimination.”

Pages 81-82 Note 66 (p. 295) Citation de Louis Harap au sujet de Commentary
“In effect, Commentary's campaign against the left of necessity drives it toward the right.”

Page 83 Note 75 (p. 296) Citation de Michael Harrington sur l'origine du mot “néoconservateur”
“I am not sure at all that I did in fact 'coin' the word. It was in common use among Dissent editors and others associates of mine, and I do not have the least idea who was the first to use it. It was occasioned, not by some tempest in a sectarian teapot, but by the fact that a sea change was taking place in the intellectual world – for instance, the Commentary magazine which published my first article on poverty in 1959 was in the process of a profound transformation – and in the Democratic Party.”

Page 84 Notes 78 et 79 (p. 296) “Neoconservative” : naissance d’une étiquette politique autour de la revue Dissent

Pages 84-85 Note 80 (p. 296) Citation de Michael Harrington sur la nocivité politique des néoconservateurs
“Insofar as the abstract and unhistorical view of the welfare state propounded by the neoconservatives persuades us to timidity and acquiescence, I is not preparing the way for the miraculous resurrection of Gemeinschaft. It is, for all the decency and intelligence of its proponents, unwittingly doing the work of the reactionaries who will have unchallenged dominance over the collectivism of the 21st century, if once the people are persuaded that they are impotent.”

Page 86 Citation de Robert Bartley sur les (futurs) néoconservateurs
”[…] distinct group of thinkers that is distinctly [sic] identifiable but lacking a good label.”

Page 87 Note 86 (p. 296) Citation de Robert Bartley sur les (futurs) néoconservateurs
“This is why, when the intellectual history of the 1960's is ultimately written, we may find that the event of most lasting significance was not the advent of a new radicalism but the evolution of a new and newly relevant conservatism.”

Page 87 Note 87 (p. 296) Citation de Robert Bartley sur “le groupe du Public Interest
“After years of demoralization, a pro-American type of intellectual is starting to speak up, to launch vigorous counterattacks on the chic radicalism, to debunk the debunkers.”

Pages 87-88 Note 90 (p. 296) Citation de Seymour Martin Lipset sur l'impact de l'étiquetage politique
“Labels determine reactions to those labelled, whether they are described as psychotic, communist or conservative. In the case of the neo-conservatives, the label led many of our former friends and allies, for whom 'conservative' is an invidious term, to reject us. Conversely, the label led many genuine traditional conservatives and business people, long unhappy about their limited support among intellectuals, to welcome as new allies this group of prominent intellectuals who, they were told, had come over to their side. We 'neo-conservatives' found ourselves rejected by our old friends and welcomed by our opponents. Having lost substantial sources of income from the traditional supporters of left intellectuals, including universities and magazines, we found ourselves (often unwittingly) the beneficiaries of support from the right. This frequently included substantial lecture and writing fees and appreciative audiences – particularly when the neo-conservatives dealt with issues on which they and the conservatives agreed, including politics, foreign policy, affirmative- action quotas and the need for higher moral standards.”

Page 88 Citation de Daniel Bell sur son approche politique du monde
“I am a socialist in economics, a liberal in politics, and a conservative in culture.”

Page 88 Note 94 (p. 297) Approfondissement sur la pensée néoconservatrice
Lien vers le texte chapitre_3_-_d_autres_ecritures_possibles_du_netisme.doc

Page 91 Note 103 (p. 297) Citation d'Irving Kristol sur “les experts”
“… the men who regularly commute to Washington, who help draw up programs for reorganizing the bureaucracy, who evaluate proposed weapons systems, who figure out ways to improve our cities and assist our poor, who analyze the course of economic growth, who reckon the cost and effectiveness of foreign aid programs, who dream up new approaches to such old social programs as the mental health of the aged, etc., etc.”

→ Continuer vers le Chapitre 4 - La Coalition for a Democratic Majority et le deuxième âge du néoconservatisme
→ Revenir vers le Chapitre 2 - De la guerre froide à l'implosion du libéralisme américain
→ Retourner à la page d'accueil

chapitre3.txt · Dernière modification: 2009/06/09 00:48 par justin